Analysis from Israel
Price-tag vandals claim to be trying to protect the settlements. Instead, they’re undermining the pillars on which the settlements rest: the army’s protection and the public’s support.
In Jewish tradition, the period between Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur is supposed to be one of soul-searching, reflection and repentance. But it doesn’t look like much of that went on among the so-called “price-tag” vandals last week: Instead, they escalated their attacks on both Arabs and the Israel Defense Forces.

We’ll leave aside the fact that price-tag assaults – so called because they are meant to deter house demolitions in the settlements by exacting a “price” in the form of reprisals (usually vandalistic) against Palestinians and/or Israeli soldiers – are blatantly immoral under both Jewish and secular ethics; I doubt morality worries the vandals overmuch. But they do claim to want to protect the settlements – and on that level, their attacks are downright self-destructive.

The settlements’ continued existence rests on two pillars. One is the IDF: Few settlers would be willing to remain without the army to protect them against Palestinian terror. The other is public support. The real reason successive governments haven’t yet evacuated most settlements, or even most illegal outposts, despite massive international pressure is because most Israelis don’t like the idea of throwing other ordinary decent Israelis out of their homes. Hence they will countenance large-scale evictions only if the country will thereby attain some major strategic benefit: a durable peace agreement, or at least enhanced security (as Ariel Sharon falsely promised the Gaza disengagement would produce).

The price-tag attacks undermine both pillars simultaneously.

First, the IDF: The vast majority of law-abiding settlers recognize their debt to the army and strive to show their gratitude (usually, being Jewish, by plying soldiers with food). But price-tag vandals have increasingly targeted the army. First, it was just “heat-of-the-moment” attacks: hurling insults, hitting soldiers or vandalizing army vehicles during confrontations over house demolitions. Then, last month, came the first deliberate attack on an IDF base: Anonymous vandals broke in, damaged several vehicles and spray-painted price-tag graffiti.

Last week brought another escalation: A routine army patrol reported being deliberately ambushed and attacked by settlers near Shiloh. According to the soldiers, they ran into a settler-manned roadblock. When they tried to turn their jeep around to avoid a confrontation, they discovered that more settlers had blocked the road behind them. The settlers then surrounded the vehicle and punched one soldier in the face. A melee inevitably ensued.

Clearly, such incidents greatly reduce soldiers’ motivation to protect the settlers: As one officer reportedly told an IDF inquiry into the incident, it’s hard to now tell these soldiers to go back and protect their assailants.

Moreover, if the IDF has to protect its troops from settlers as well as Palestinians, that will inevitably affect its deployment, to the settlements’ detriment. For instance, soldiers are routinely sent to guard settlements and outposts. But after some incidents in which soldiers said they were threatened by outpost residents, the IDF is now reportedly considering curtailing the length of these deployments such that no soldier will spend more than a couple of days at an outpost. That means they will have no time to get acquainted with the territory, which will impair their ability to defend it.

Perhaps even worse, however, is the effect price-tag attacks have on the general public. As noted, most Israelis currently oppose evacuating settlements, but that stems from their belief that most settlers are ordinary, decent people like themselves. In contrast, few Israelis have qualms about, say, demolishing a Palestinian terrorist’s house. That’s precisely why a certain subset of the left has striven – so far unsuccessfully – to paint all settlers as thugs: They understand that public sympathy is the settlers’ greatest asset.

But the price-tag vandals may yet succeed where anti-settler leftists have failed. Low-level vandalism might not have attracted much attention, but torching Palestinian mosques is a different matter: Most Israelis can easily draw the comparison to torched synagogues. And that’s already happened a few times.

Last week’s events – the torching of a mosque in Tuba Zanghariya, in northern Israel, and the spray-painting of offensive graffiti (like “Death to Arabs” and “price tag”) in Muslim and Christian cemeteries in Jaffa – were even worse from this standpoint. Many Israelis view Palestinian areas of the West Bank as another planet, and Palestinians as an enemy nation. But these latest attacks targeted fellow citizens – and in Tuba Zanghariya’s case, citizens who have been allied with the Jewish majority since before the state’s establishment.

But worst of all, from the perspective of public reaction, are obviously attacks on the IDF. Many Israeli Jews have little contact with Israeli Arabs, but most do have friends or relatives in the army. Hence attacks on soldiers are taken very personally.

Clearly, not all attacks attributed to price-tag vandals are necessarily their work. The one suspect arrested in the Tuba Zanghariya attack indeed studied at the yeshiva in Yitzhar, which is considered a center of price-tag activity, but he has yet to be indicted, much less convicted. And police aren’t convinced the cemetery vandalism was a price-tag attack at all. But even if some incidents are copycat attacks – or even, as right-wing conspiracy theorists like to claim, deliberate efforts to smear the settlers – it’s the original price-tag vandals who make the accusations credible. 

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It’s also true that the media outrageously downplays identical attacks on Jewish targets, as Yisrael Medad superbly explained in these pages, leading to justified double-standard charges. But that in no way mitigates the price-tag vandals’ crimes.

Unfortunately, the vandals seem incapable of grasping the

self-destructive nature of their actions, while the police, with

characteristic haplessness, have thus far proven incapable of catching

the criminals. Nor are most settlers in a position to help: The ordinary

law-abiding majority has no more contact with these criminals than

other law-abiding Israelis do with criminals in their hometowns.

So altogether, it looks like it’s going to be a great year for the

anti-settler left, if for no one else. I hope the vandals are happy with

their achievement.

The writer is a journalist and commentator.

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Why Israel Needs a Better Political Class

Note: This piece is a response to an essay by Haviv Rettig Gur, which can be found here

Israel’s current political crisis exemplifies the maxim that hard cases make bad law. This case is desperate. Six months after the coronavirus erupted and nine months after the fiscal year began, Israel still lacks both a functioning contact-tracing system and an approved 2020 budget, mainly because Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is more worried about politics than the domestic problems that Israel now confronts. The government’s failure to perform these basic tasks obviously invites the conclusion that civil servants’ far-reaching powers must not only be preserved, but perhaps even increased.

This would be the wrong conclusion. Bureaucrats, especially when they have great power, are vulnerable to the same ills as elected politicians. But unlike politicians, they are completely unaccountable to the public.

That doesn’t mean Haviv Rettig Gur is wrong to deem them indispensable. They provide institutional memory, flesh out elected officials’ policies, and supply information the politicians may not know and options they may not have considered. Yet the current crisis shows in several ways why they neither can nor should substitute for elected politicians.

First, bureaucrats are no less prone to poor judgment than politicians. As evidence, consider Siegal Sadetzki, part of the Netanyahu-led triumvirate that ran Israel’s initial response to the coronavirus. It’s unsurprising that Gur never mentioned Sadetzki even as he lauded the triumvirate’s third member, former Health Ministry Director General Moshe Bar Siman-Tov; she and her fellow Health Ministry staffers are a major reason why Israel still lacks a functional test-and-trace system.

Sadetzki, an epidemiologist, was the ministry’s director of public-health services and the only member of the triumvirate with professional expertise in epidemics (Bar Siman-Tov is an economist). As such, her input was crucial. Yet she adamantly opposed expanding virus testing, even publicly asserting that “Too much testing will increase complacence.” She opposed letting organizations outside the public-health system do lab work for coronavirus tests, even though the system was overwhelmed. She opposed sewage monitoring to track the spread of the virus. And on, and on.

Moreover, even after acknowledging that test-and-trace was necessary, ministry bureaucrats insisted for months that their ministry do the tracing despite its glaringly inadequate manpower. Only in August was the job finally given to the army, which does have the requisite personnel. And the system still isn’t fully operational.

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