Analysis from Israel

Writing in today’s Haaretz, Israel Harel offers an excellent suggestion for what Israel’s prime minister should tell Congress next week. There is no chance Benjamin Netanyahu will actually do so. But the Republican-controlled House ought to act on it anyway, because it lets Congress further two cherished goals simultaneously: cutting the budget and helping Israel. All it would take is eliminating U.S. funding for UNRWA, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East.

As Harel correctly noted, this UN agency exists for one reason only: to advance the goal of Israel’s destruction by imprisoning an ever-growing mass of “refugees”–or, more accurately, their children, grandchildren and great-grandchildren–in miserable conditions for decades and offering them one and only one prospect of escape: a “return” to what is now Israel, where they could combine with the country’s existing Arab residents to create an Arab majority and vote the Jewish state out of existence. Its sorry history and even sorrier present condition was the subject of Mikhail Bernstam’s important COMMENTARY article, “The Palestinian Proletariat.”

In the 62 years since its founding, UNRWA hasn’t resettled a single Palestinian refugee. Doing so would defeat its purpose. During those same 62 years, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees–which handles all refugees worldwide except Palestinians–resettled tens of millions. Even tiny Israel resettled over a million refugees on its own: Holocaust survivors and Jews forced out of Arab countries after its establishment. In contrast, Arab countries that “absorbed” Palestinian refugees denied them citizenship (with the partial exception of Jordan), confined them to squalid camps and subjected them to various onerous restrictions: Lebanon, for instance, bars Palestinians from numerous professions.

Thus the refugee problem will never be solved as long as UNRWA exists. And the more time passes, the harder it becomes to solve. Because Palestinians are the only refugees in the world whose descendants inherit refugee status in perpetuity, the original 700,000 or so have now ballooned to 4.8 million (according to UNRWA), and the number keeps growing every day.

Yet as Harel pointed out, the U.S. bears primary responsibility for the agency’s continued existence, because it is UNRWA’s largest single donor. In 2009, according to the agency, America contributed $268 million, which constituted 28% of UNRWA’s budget. Thus only the U.S. has the leverage to finally get the agency closed, by shutting off its funding.

Granted, other countries could fill the breach. But since Arab countries, for all their talk of solidarity with the Palestinians, are notoriously stingy about coughing up money to help them, the only likely candidate is the European Union. Together with its member states, the EU already funds a substantial chunk of UNRWA’s budget. The Palestinians are its favorite cause. Witness its immediate pledge of 85 million euros to compensate for Israel’s suspension of tax transfers to the Palestinian Authority following the Fatah-Hamas reconciliation agreement.

But if Europeans really want to perpetuate the Palestinian war against Israel, let them deprive their own troubled economies of the necessary funds. There is no reason whatever for the U.S. to keep subsidizing this war.

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Why Israel Needs a Better Political Class

Note: This piece is a response to an essay by Haviv Rettig Gur, which can be found here

Israel’s current political crisis exemplifies the maxim that hard cases make bad law. This case is desperate. Six months after the coronavirus erupted and nine months after the fiscal year began, Israel still lacks both a functioning contact-tracing system and an approved 2020 budget, mainly because Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is more worried about politics than the domestic problems that Israel now confronts. The government’s failure to perform these basic tasks obviously invites the conclusion that civil servants’ far-reaching powers must not only be preserved, but perhaps even increased.

This would be the wrong conclusion. Bureaucrats, especially when they have great power, are vulnerable to the same ills as elected politicians. But unlike politicians, they are completely unaccountable to the public.

That doesn’t mean Haviv Rettig Gur is wrong to deem them indispensable. They provide institutional memory, flesh out elected officials’ policies, and supply information the politicians may not know and options they may not have considered. Yet the current crisis shows in several ways why they neither can nor should substitute for elected politicians.

First, bureaucrats are no less prone to poor judgment than politicians. As evidence, consider Siegal Sadetzki, part of the Netanyahu-led triumvirate that ran Israel’s initial response to the coronavirus. It’s unsurprising that Gur never mentioned Sadetzki even as he lauded the triumvirate’s third member, former Health Ministry Director General Moshe Bar Siman-Tov; she and her fellow Health Ministry staffers are a major reason why Israel still lacks a functional test-and-trace system.

Sadetzki, an epidemiologist, was the ministry’s director of public-health services and the only member of the triumvirate with professional expertise in epidemics (Bar Siman-Tov is an economist). As such, her input was crucial. Yet she adamantly opposed expanding virus testing, even publicly asserting that “Too much testing will increase complacence.” She opposed letting organizations outside the public-health system do lab work for coronavirus tests, even though the system was overwhelmed. She opposed sewage monitoring to track the spread of the virus. And on, and on.

Moreover, even after acknowledging that test-and-trace was necessary, ministry bureaucrats insisted for months that their ministry do the tracing despite its glaringly inadequate manpower. Only in August was the job finally given to the army, which does have the requisite personnel. And the system still isn’t fully operational.

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