Analysis from Israel

Hillary Clinton’s latest comments on Syria are not only a travesty, but a tragedy. The travesty is self-evident. Bashar al-Assad’s regime has killed more than 1,400 of its own citizens, detained more than 10,000 and displaced tens of thousands; it has laid brutal siege to its own cities, depriving them of water and electricity for days on end; it has hideously tortured 13-year-old boys – and all the secretary of state can find to say is Assad is “running out of time” to start “a serious political process”? What further brutality does the Syrian regime have to commit for Barack Obama’s government to acknowledge it can’t be reformed, it can only be replaced?

The tragedy is that this pusillanimity actually reduces the likelihood of Assad’s regime being replaced with something better. Last month, Haaretz‘s Arab affairs analyst reported the Syrian opposition’s main goal was to get the West, and especially Washington, to come out clearly against Assad, because it believed a U.S. demand for Assad’s departure would encourage Syrian army officers to switch sides. And without the army’s support, Assad couldn’t survive.

Whether opposition activists are right in this assessment of Washington’s influence is unclear. But since they know the Syrian regime better than any Westerner does, it can hardly be dismissed out of hand.

Nor are Syrian activists alone in thinking the U.S. president can make a difference via his bully pulpit: During the mass demonstrations by Iran’s Green Movement in 2009, demonstrators reportedly chanted, “Obama: either with the murderers or with us.” Then too, those on the front lines clearly thought his public support would help them. Again, nobody knows if they were right. But we do know Obama refused; he never openly backed the demonstrators. And we also know the revolution subsequently failed.

 In contrast, Obama did explicitly demand Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak’s resignation quite early into Egypt’s revolution. And that revolution succeeded; Mubarak was ousted (though whether Egypt will now be a better place remains an open question).

What makes this behavior so bizarre is that Mubarak, for all his faults, was an American ally, whereas Syria’s government, like Iran’s, is an implacable American enemy. Damascus is Tehran’s most loyal ally; it gave free passage to terrorists entering Iraq to fight American troops, and by lavishly arming Hezbollah in Lebanon, it enabled Hezbollah to overthrow Saad Hariri’s U.S.-backed government. Thus, by demanding Mubarak’s ouster, Obama risked alienating an ally if the revolution failed. But siding with the Syrian or Iranian opposition would risk nothing. Both countries’ existing governments work tirelessly to thwart U.S. interests anyway, so things could hardly get worse.

Often, America must choose between its interests and its values. But in Syria, the two are perfectly aligned. Obama is opting to be on the wrong side of both.             

Subscribe to Evelyn’s Mailing List

Why Israel Needs a Better Political Class

Note: This piece is a response to an essay by Haviv Rettig Gur, which can be found here

Israel’s current political crisis exemplifies the maxim that hard cases make bad law. This case is desperate. Six months after the coronavirus erupted and nine months after the fiscal year began, Israel still lacks both a functioning contact-tracing system and an approved 2020 budget, mainly because Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is more worried about politics than the domestic problems that Israel now confronts. The government’s failure to perform these basic tasks obviously invites the conclusion that civil servants’ far-reaching powers must not only be preserved, but perhaps even increased.

This would be the wrong conclusion. Bureaucrats, especially when they have great power, are vulnerable to the same ills as elected politicians. But unlike politicians, they are completely unaccountable to the public.

That doesn’t mean Haviv Rettig Gur is wrong to deem them indispensable. They provide institutional memory, flesh out elected officials’ policies, and supply information the politicians may not know and options they may not have considered. Yet the current crisis shows in several ways why they neither can nor should substitute for elected politicians.

First, bureaucrats are no less prone to poor judgment than politicians. As evidence, consider Siegal Sadetzki, part of the Netanyahu-led triumvirate that ran Israel’s initial response to the coronavirus. It’s unsurprising that Gur never mentioned Sadetzki even as he lauded the triumvirate’s third member, former Health Ministry Director General Moshe Bar Siman-Tov; she and her fellow Health Ministry staffers are a major reason why Israel still lacks a functional test-and-trace system.

Sadetzki, an epidemiologist, was the ministry’s director of public-health services and the only member of the triumvirate with professional expertise in epidemics (Bar Siman-Tov is an economist). As such, her input was crucial. Yet she adamantly opposed expanding virus testing, even publicly asserting that “Too much testing will increase complacence.” She opposed letting organizations outside the public-health system do lab work for coronavirus tests, even though the system was overwhelmed. She opposed sewage monitoring to track the spread of the virus. And on, and on.

Moreover, even after acknowledging that test-and-trace was necessary, ministry bureaucrats insisted for months that their ministry do the tracing despite its glaringly inadequate manpower. Only in August was the job finally given to the army, which does have the requisite personnel. And the system still isn’t fully operational.

Read more
Archives