Analysis from Israel
Last week’s Chief Rabbinate elections could be either, depending on what religious Zionists do next.
The sweeping haredi victory in last week’s Chief Rabbinate elections is being

portrayed as a devastating defeat for the religious Zionist community in

general, and for Naftali Bennett in particular as head of the Bayit Yehudi

party, which represents this community. In one sense, that’s true: In the races

for both Ashkenazi and Sephardi chief rabbis, the winning candidate received

only a plurality of the electoral panel’s votes – 68 out of 147. Thus had the

religious Zionist community been able to unite behind a single Ashkenazi

candidate instead of splitting its votes between two, that candidate might have

won. Similarly, had it chosen a Sephardi candidate with broad appeal rather than

one who repelled moderate electors because of his history of anti-Arab remarks,

such a candidate might have won the votes that went instead to the moderate haredi rabbi who placed third. And since the chief rabbis serve 10-year terms,

religious Zionists have squandered a once-in-a-decade

opportunity.Nevertheless, Bennett still holds cards that enable him to

make this loss a tactical setback rather than a strategic defeat. The question

is whether he’s willing to play them – and whether he can mobilize the requisite

support from his own party and his coalition partners.

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Why Israel Needs a Better Political Class

Note: This piece is a response to an essay by Haviv Rettig Gur, which can be found here

Israel’s current political crisis exemplifies the maxim that hard cases make bad law. This case is desperate. Six months after the coronavirus erupted and nine months after the fiscal year began, Israel still lacks both a functioning contact-tracing system and an approved 2020 budget, mainly because Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is more worried about politics than the domestic problems that Israel now confronts. The government’s failure to perform these basic tasks obviously invites the conclusion that civil servants’ far-reaching powers must not only be preserved, but perhaps even increased.

This would be the wrong conclusion. Bureaucrats, especially when they have great power, are vulnerable to the same ills as elected politicians. But unlike politicians, they are completely unaccountable to the public.

That doesn’t mean Haviv Rettig Gur is wrong to deem them indispensable. They provide institutional memory, flesh out elected officials’ policies, and supply information the politicians may not know and options they may not have considered. Yet the current crisis shows in several ways why they neither can nor should substitute for elected politicians.

First, bureaucrats are no less prone to poor judgment than politicians. As evidence, consider Siegal Sadetzki, part of the Netanyahu-led triumvirate that ran Israel’s initial response to the coronavirus. It’s unsurprising that Gur never mentioned Sadetzki even as he lauded the triumvirate’s third member, former Health Ministry Director General Moshe Bar Siman-Tov; she and her fellow Health Ministry staffers are a major reason why Israel still lacks a functional test-and-trace system.

Sadetzki, an epidemiologist, was the ministry’s director of public-health services and the only member of the triumvirate with professional expertise in epidemics (Bar Siman-Tov is an economist). As such, her input was crucial. Yet she adamantly opposed expanding virus testing, even publicly asserting that “Too much testing will increase complacence.” She opposed letting organizations outside the public-health system do lab work for coronavirus tests, even though the system was overwhelmed. She opposed sewage monitoring to track the spread of the virus. And on, and on.

Moreover, even after acknowledging that test-and-trace was necessary, ministry bureaucrats insisted for months that their ministry do the tracing despite its glaringly inadequate manpower. Only in August was the job finally given to the army, which does have the requisite personnel. And the system still isn’t fully operational.

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