Analysis from Israel

Yesterday,  Jonathan discussed Israeli concerns the Palestinian Authority’s bid for UN recognition as a state in September might spark a third intifada. But while the PA’s indifference to Israel’s fears might be understandable, its blatant disregard of its own people’s concerns ought to trouble the West.

Last week, The Israel Project released further results of its in-depth survey of Palestinian opinion, conducted by American pollster Stanley Greenberg and the Palestinian  Center for Public Opinion via face-to-face interviews with 1,010 Palestinians. The poll’s first section, which focused on Palestinians’ long-term goals, found that 66 percent view a two-state solution as a mere stepping-stone to their ultimate goal of Israel’s eradication. The current section, which focused on near-term goals, found that fully 80 percent of Palestinians listed job creation as one of their two top priorities, far outstripping the second-place choice (healthcare, at 36 percent). By contrast, only 4 percent deemed UN recognition of a Palestinian state a top priority, while only 1percent viewed mass protests against Israel as a priority.

 

But the problem isn’t just that Palestinians don’t view UN recognition as a priority. It’s that the bid for UN recognition directly undermines the goal they do consider top priority: job creation.

First, the statehood bid easily could lead to renewed violence – which would devastate the Palestinian economy just as the second intifada did – because it creates expectations that can’t be met. UN recognition of a Palestinian state won’t bring statehood any closer in practice; Israeli troops and settlements won’t suddenly disappear. The ensuing frustration might well spark renewed Palestinian terror, or else mass protests that could quickly degenerate into violence especially if terrorists utilize their favorite trick of stationing snipers in the crowds to force Israeli soldiers to return fire).

This is especially likely because some Palestinian leaders are irresponsibly calling for precisely that. Just last week, Marwan Barghouti, the Fatah leader who is
widely considered the second intifada’s architect, called for mass protests in September from the Israeli jail where he is serving five life sentences for murder. And Barghouti remains wildly popular among Palestinians: Indeed, polls show he would beat Hamas’s candidate by a larger margin than current PA President Mahmoud Abbas would.

But even if violence doesn’t materialize, Israel will presumably penalize the PA somehow for blatantly violating yet another signed agreement – in this case, the 1995 Interim Agreement, which states that “Neither side shall initiate or take any step that will change the status of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip pending the outcome of the permanent status negotiations.” And any Israeli response is likely to hurt the PA’s economy: Israel is the PA’s largest trading partner; Israelis employed 11 percent of all working Palestinians last year; and under the very same Oslo Accords that the UN bid violates, Israel collects and transfers up to $1.4 billion a year in taxes for the PA, which comprise two-thirds of the PA budget.

Hence, the PA’s UN bid undermines its own people’s top priority. And that ought to make Western countries think twice about supporting it.

 

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Why Israel Needs a Better Political Class

Note: This piece is a response to an essay by Haviv Rettig Gur, which can be found here

Israel’s current political crisis exemplifies the maxim that hard cases make bad law. This case is desperate. Six months after the coronavirus erupted and nine months after the fiscal year began, Israel still lacks both a functioning contact-tracing system and an approved 2020 budget, mainly because Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is more worried about politics than the domestic problems that Israel now confronts. The government’s failure to perform these basic tasks obviously invites the conclusion that civil servants’ far-reaching powers must not only be preserved, but perhaps even increased.

This would be the wrong conclusion. Bureaucrats, especially when they have great power, are vulnerable to the same ills as elected politicians. But unlike politicians, they are completely unaccountable to the public.

That doesn’t mean Haviv Rettig Gur is wrong to deem them indispensable. They provide institutional memory, flesh out elected officials’ policies, and supply information the politicians may not know and options they may not have considered. Yet the current crisis shows in several ways why they neither can nor should substitute for elected politicians.

First, bureaucrats are no less prone to poor judgment than politicians. As evidence, consider Siegal Sadetzki, part of the Netanyahu-led triumvirate that ran Israel’s initial response to the coronavirus. It’s unsurprising that Gur never mentioned Sadetzki even as he lauded the triumvirate’s third member, former Health Ministry Director General Moshe Bar Siman-Tov; she and her fellow Health Ministry staffers are a major reason why Israel still lacks a functional test-and-trace system.

Sadetzki, an epidemiologist, was the ministry’s director of public-health services and the only member of the triumvirate with professional expertise in epidemics (Bar Siman-Tov is an economist). As such, her input was crucial. Yet she adamantly opposed expanding virus testing, even publicly asserting that “Too much testing will increase complacence.” She opposed letting organizations outside the public-health system do lab work for coronavirus tests, even though the system was overwhelmed. She opposed sewage monitoring to track the spread of the virus. And on, and on.

Moreover, even after acknowledging that test-and-trace was necessary, ministry bureaucrats insisted for months that their ministry do the tracing despite its glaringly inadequate manpower. Only in August was the job finally given to the army, which does have the requisite personnel. And the system still isn’t fully operational.

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