One of the most disturbing revelations of the past two weeks is that some
Knesset members who opposed the ransom deal for Gilad Schalit nevertheless
acceded to his family’s request to keep silent until the deal was
concluded.
On October 21, for instance, former MK Tzachi Hanegbi, of
Kadima, wrote the following in these pages:
Zvi Schalit, Gilad’s grandfather. He was upset by a radio interview I had given
that morning. At the time, I was chairman of the Knesset Foreign Affairs and
Defense Committee, and I detailed the “red lines” of the security and political
establishment over a prisoner exchange with Hamas.
Zvi Schalit sought to
persuade me that the state should not draft tougher principles on negotiating
with terrorists until his grandson was safely returned to his family.
I
couldn’t agree, but my heart went out to the grandfather’s plea. At his request,
I pledged not to worsen the family’s pain by making my position public. And I
kept my word.
Two days later, Kadima chairwoman Tzipi Livni announced
that she, too, opposed the Schalit deal, believing that it undermined Israel’s
deterrence and strengthened Hamas, but kept silent until it was concluded at the
request of Gilad’s father, Noam.
Livni and Hanegbi are almost certainly
not alone; many politicians, journalists and other public figures likely made
the same choice for the same reason. And I can understand their motives, because
I, too, received that heartrending phone call from Zvi Schalit, after publishing
a column in this paper in 2009 opposing the deal as it stood then. It’s very
hard to say “no” to a thoroughly decent man going through hell and begging you
not to add to his agony. And while I couldn’t retract what I’d already
published, I ended the conversation thinking that had he called before I wrote
the article, I might well have decided there were enough other things to write
about; I didn’t need to pour salt in the Schalit family’s wounds. Nevertheless,
Hanegbi and Livni were wrong to let their compassion overrule their judgment.
Livni herself gave the best argument for why.
“The people of Israel
forced the government to free Gilad Schalit,” she charged, correctly, when she
finally broke her silence. But did she really expect the people to do otherwise
when they were deluged, day after day, with arguments in favor of the deal,
while those who opposed it largely kept silent out of compassion for the
Schalits? You can’t win a battle of ideas by abandoning the field.
And
while private individuals have the right to eschew the fray, MKs do not, because
they have a fiduciary duty to the public: They are elected to serve the people,
and they owe those they serve their best judgment. By placing the good of one
family over what they themselves deemed to be the national interest, Livni and
Hanegbi betrayed the people who elected them.
This dereliction of duty
was compounded by the fact that they were uniquely well-poised to influence the
public debate, since their positions gave them access to information the general
public lacked. Hanegbi chaired the Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee for
four and a half years of Schalit’s captivity; Livni was foreign minister during
the first three years and leader of the opposition thereafter. All three
positions grant their occupants access to information that isn’t in the public
domain.
No official statistics, for instance, have ever been published on
what percentage of freed terrorists returned to terror; the estimates I saw in
the press during the years of Schalit’s captivity ranged from 13 to 80 percent –
a variance so enormous the public couldn’t possibly assess the magnitude of the
danger the deal posed. By virtue of their positions, Hanegbi and Livni could
have demanded that the security services provide real data and then publicized
it, thereby facilitating such an assessment. Instead, they chose to keep
silent.
Six weeks ago, I wrote a column criticizing MKs who seem to think
their job begins and ends with making public statements, rather than trying to
turn their ideas into legislation. An MK who is nothing more than a pundit is
useless; punditry can be done just as well from outside the Knesset.
But
refraining entirely from public statements is no less problematic because, in a
democracy, public opinion influences governmental decisions. Hence elected
representatives have an obligation to try to shape public opinion on the burning
issues of the day. That some MKs (and again, I doubt Livni and Hanegbi were
alone) instead sat out the public debate on a deal they considered dangerous to
the country is thus deeply troubling.
Speaking against the Schalit deal
would certainly have caused the Schalits great pain. But if causing pain
is a
reason for silence, no public debate could ever be held. Did the Gazan
settlers
slated to be thrown out of their homes not feel pain when MKs lobbied
for the
disengagement? Did the victims of post-Oslo terror not feel pain when
MKs
praised Mahmoud Abbas as a “peace partner” even as Abbas lauded their
loved
ones’ murderers as heroes? Did Livni and Hanegbi ever seriously consider
not
pursuing these policies out of
consideration for one particular family’s pain?
Their silence over Schalit is yet more evidence that far too many MKs
seem not
to understand the most basic responsibilities of their office. And then
they
wonder why only one-third
of Israelis retain any trust in what ought to be
democracy’s flagship institution.
The writer is a journalist and commentator.
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