Analysis from Israel
Primary voters in Labor and Habayit Hayehudi showed a healthy desire to change unhealthy situations.
When the man whom voters awarded second place in their party’s primary jumps ship for another party a mere week later, it’s hard to deny that voters made a colossal mistake. Yet despite the Amir Peretz debacle, Labor’s primary, like Likud’s, produced welcome results overall. And the same is true of one of the few other parties to hold primaries, Habayit Hayehudi.

Since Labor is projected to win more than twice as many seats this election as it had in the last Knesset, many members of its slate have no parliamentary record to evaluate. Its primary was therefore less about assessing past performance than about reinforcing the important message voters sent by electing Shelly Yacimovich as party leader: They are sick and tired of politicians focusing on diplomatic issues to the exclusion of all else; they want their party to focus on solving Israel’s domestic problems.

Thus two leaders of last year’s social protests won prominent places on the slate despite being newcomers: Stav Shaffir (who placed eighth in the primary) and Itzik Shmuli (11th). But Peace Now leader Yariv Oppenheimer, a veteran Labor activist, placed only 26th – too low to have a realistic shot at entering the Knesset. Labor voters pointedly rejected his single-minded focus on halting settlement construction and negotiating with the Palestinians.

According to Israel’s self-proclaimed “best and brightest,” of course, Oppenheimer’s issues are precisely the ones Israel should be focusing on: That’s why so many of them symbolically joined Meretz’s slate. But Labor voters were wise enough to realize that Israel can no longer afford to keep putting the country’s urgent domestic problems on hold while waiting for a peace that most don’t believe is in the offing.

Ironically, this very desire to give precedence to socioeconomic issues is what produced the Peretz debacle. Though Peretz’s primary success has been widely attributed to the success of Iron Dome during the recent Gaza operation – a tribute to his decision, as defense minister, to push development of the antimissile system despite the defense establishment’s opposition – this explanation founders on one simple fact: Peretz also placed second in Labor’s leadership primary 14 months earlier, when his term as defense minister was still considered an unmitigated disaster. The only way to explain his strong showing in both primaries is his track record of promoting socioeconomic legislation like raising the minimum wage: That’s why the leadership race ended with him and Yacimovich, who has focused relentlessly on socioeconomic issues since entering the Knesset, beating out two other candidates associated more with diplomatic issues.

The voters’ mistake lay in underestimating the size of Peretz’s ego and overestimating his commitment to social issues. It takes a truly monstrous ego to think you have the right to dictate policy to the woman who beat you decisively in the leadership race – especially when polls show her policies doubling or tripling the party’s Knesset strength. And Peretz’s “commitment” to socioeconomic issues now seems like a mere ploy to stand out at a time when his party focused mainly on the peace process: Once Labor’s focus shifted to domestic issues, he promptly declared that the peace process is the real priority after all and jumped ship to Tzipi Livni, whose mantra is “all peace process, all the time.”

The primary also produced some other suboptimal choices: What, for instance, have MKs Benjamin Ben-Eliezer and Nachman Shai accomplished in past Knessets that justifies their reelection? But having complained just last week that the Knesset has too few legislators of the caliber of Likud’s Yariv Levin, I’m delighted that Labor voters awarded first place (after Yacimovich) to another of that rare breed: Isaac Herzog.

Due to his focus on diplomatic rather than socioeconomic issues, Herzog actually lost to both Yacimovich and Peretz in the leadership primary. But as a legislator, he can boast some substantial achievements – most notably, pushing through a law granting citizenship and compensation to members of the South Lebanon Army who fled here after Israel quit Lebanon in 2000. That such basic decency to Israel’s longtime allies took four years and suffered repeated defeats is disgraceful. But Herzog’s dogged and ultimately successful persistence shines all the brighter by contrast.

Perhaps the most remarkable primary result, however, was in Habayit Hayehudi. First, voters decisively ousted the veteran leadership in favor of a newcomer – a bold gambit aimed at reversing the party’s steady slide toward oblivion. Naftali Bennett certainly wasn’t the choice of the party elders; they backed MK Zevulun Orlev. But having seen their party’s Knesset strength decline for several elections now, to a mere three seats last time around, primary voters were wise enough to recognize that radical change was needed. And so far, it seems to be working: Polls predict the party will almost quadruple its strength in the upcoming election.

But the truly bold move was voters’ decision to award third place on the slate to a secular woman, Ayelet Shaked. Previously, a secular person couldn’t have dreamed of representing Habayit Hayehudi: After all, it bills itself as a religious party. But voters sent a decisive and welcome message: We’re tired of being a “niche” party reserved for people exactly like ourselves; we’ll welcome anyone who supports our core policies – bolstering Israel’s Jewish identity and opposing territorial concessions. Shaked avowedly does, and she was welcomed with open arms.

Habayit Hayehudi’s opening to secular Jews, like Labor’s shift in focus from the “peace process” to socioeconomic issues, highlights a broader truth: Ordinary voters are often more willing than the ruling elites to embrace necessary change. Nor should this be surprising: A status quo that doesn’t serve the interests of ordinary people may serve the elites’ interests just fine. That’s precisely why so many of our elites long for the good old days when they didn’t have to worry about what the people thought – as evidenced by last month’s shocking Haaretz editorial urging a return to the days when party leaders could ignore the voters and simply dictate their Knesset slates.

That, however, is precisely why the rest of us should be giving the primary results a hearty round of applause.

The writer is a journalist and commentator.

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Why Israel Needs a Better Political Class

Note: This piece is a response to an essay by Haviv Rettig Gur, which can be found here

Israel’s current political crisis exemplifies the maxim that hard cases make bad law. This case is desperate. Six months after the coronavirus erupted and nine months after the fiscal year began, Israel still lacks both a functioning contact-tracing system and an approved 2020 budget, mainly because Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is more worried about politics than the domestic problems that Israel now confronts. The government’s failure to perform these basic tasks obviously invites the conclusion that civil servants’ far-reaching powers must not only be preserved, but perhaps even increased.

This would be the wrong conclusion. Bureaucrats, especially when they have great power, are vulnerable to the same ills as elected politicians. But unlike politicians, they are completely unaccountable to the public.

That doesn’t mean Haviv Rettig Gur is wrong to deem them indispensable. They provide institutional memory, flesh out elected officials’ policies, and supply information the politicians may not know and options they may not have considered. Yet the current crisis shows in several ways why they neither can nor should substitute for elected politicians.

First, bureaucrats are no less prone to poor judgment than politicians. As evidence, consider Siegal Sadetzki, part of the Netanyahu-led triumvirate that ran Israel’s initial response to the coronavirus. It’s unsurprising that Gur never mentioned Sadetzki even as he lauded the triumvirate’s third member, former Health Ministry Director General Moshe Bar Siman-Tov; she and her fellow Health Ministry staffers are a major reason why Israel still lacks a functional test-and-trace system.

Sadetzki, an epidemiologist, was the ministry’s director of public-health services and the only member of the triumvirate with professional expertise in epidemics (Bar Siman-Tov is an economist). As such, her input was crucial. Yet she adamantly opposed expanding virus testing, even publicly asserting that “Too much testing will increase complacence.” She opposed letting organizations outside the public-health system do lab work for coronavirus tests, even though the system was overwhelmed. She opposed sewage monitoring to track the spread of the virus. And on, and on.

Moreover, even after acknowledging that test-and-trace was necessary, ministry bureaucrats insisted for months that their ministry do the tracing despite its glaringly inadequate manpower. Only in August was the job finally given to the army, which does have the requisite personnel. And the system still isn’t fully operational.

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